The public hearing phase of Nigeria’s ongoing constitutional review has now concluded, having taken place across all six geopolitical zones. This is a process that began under the 9th National Assembly (2019-2023) and continues under the 10th Assembly, which has set up its own committee to carry the review forward. These public sessions unearthed a variety of proposed reforms, with some of the more prominent proposals addressing issues such as state creation, local government autonomy, state police, and increased representation for women.
While many of these suggestions are considered progressive, some are seen as controversial or unrealistic given the country’s current economic climate. The debate and discussion from these hearings will now be considered by the National Assembly’s committees as they work towards a final set of amendments.
Prominent Bills and Reforms Recently Discussed
The following are some of the key proposals that have been at the center of the constitutional review:
State Creation: Proposals for the creation of new states from existing ones to address feelings of marginalization.
Local Government Autonomy: Bills to grant financial and administrative autonomy to local government councils, freeing them from the control of state governments.
State Police: A proposal to amend the constitution to allow state police to tackle insecurity more effectively.
Judicial and Legislative Autonomy: Bills to guarantee financial independence for state judiciaries and assemblies.
Gender Equality Bills:
A bill to create special seats for women in the National and State Assemblies. This bill, which proposed 111 extra seats, failed to pass during the 9th Assembly’s vote.
A bill to grant citizenship to the foreign-born husbands of Nigerian women. The constitution already allows this for foreign-born wives of Nigerian men.
A bill to allocate at least 35% of political appointments to women.
Devolution of Powers (Fiscal Federalism): Transferring powers like railways, airports, and prisons from the Exclusive List to the Concurrent List—allowing both federal and state governments to legislate on them.
Role for Traditional Rulers: Proposals to formally define constitutional roles for traditional rulers.
The Economic Debate: My Opinion on State Creation and New Legislative Seats
My honest concern
How can Nigeria, a country with millions of unemployed citizens and so many unattended economic and infrastructural projects, want to create dozens of additional states and numerous new seats in the National Assembly? This would only increase government expenditure in a system already burdened by a high cost of governance at both the executive and legislative levels.
Why Some Are Calling for New States
Perceived Marginalization: Many regions in Nigeria believe they have been sidelined in resource allocation, political appointments, and development. State creation is often seen as a way to bring government closer to the people.
Ethnic and Cultural Identity: Nigeria’s diversity is vast. Some ethnic groups feel swallowed up in larger states dominated by rival groups. Creating smaller states can offer minority groups more political voice.
Power Decentralization and Representation: Proponents argue that more states could mean more tailored governance, improved local representation, and autonomy over budgets and policies. It could also shift development focus from major cities to more local communities.
Political Settlement or Bargain: In truth, some of these proposals are not purely for development—they are often political tools used by legislators to gain favor from their constituents or balance power ahead of major elections.
Why More New States May Be a Terrible Idea Right Now
Nigeria Can’t Afford It: Every new state comes with a new governor and full executive council, a new House of Assembly, new ministries and agencies, increased administrative costs, and a need for expanded infrastructure and security. That’s billions of naira per state—and Nigeria is already borrowing to pay salaries.
The National Assembly Will Bloat Further: If 108 more federal legislators are added to the 469 existing members, the legislative budget could skyrocket—all while Nigerians cry for a reduction in the cost of governance.
Unemployed Youths and underemployed population: With the youth unemployment rate at 6.5% in Q2 2024, a significant decrease from previous years, Nigeria should still be cautious. The focus should be on sustaining this positive trend by investing in skill development, digital infrastructure, agriculture, and manufacturing—not more bureaucracy.
Poor Performance of Existing States: Let’s be honest—many of Nigeria’s 36 states are not viable. Some can’t even pay workers’ salaries without federal allocations. What’s the logic in multiplying a broken system?
I don’t think we understand the economic principle of scale of preference.
Instead of funding more state assemblies and new lawmakers, what if we invested in:
Fixing public universities and addressing lingering issues that lead to strikes from unions like the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU)
Rehabilitating rural roads, irrigation, and food production systems?
Strengthening health systems to reduce maternal and child mortality?
Launching a national apprenticeship and youth empowerment program?
These would provide long-term impact across communities, rather than creating additional political offices that add no real value. Scale of Preference tells us we must spend limited resources on the most pressing needs. And state creation is not it.
Insecurity: The Bigger Threat to Our Nations
Across Nigeria, insecurity remains a more urgent challenge than the number of states. From banditry in the northwest to insurgency in the northeast and farmer-herder clashes in the middle belt, the country is bleeding.
For example:
In Plateau State, over 200 people were killed in coordinated attacks in December 2023 (Financial Times).
Katsina State reported over 650 children died from malnutrition in the first half of 2024, a crisis linked to displacement and insecurity (Reuters).
In Benue and Zamfara, recurring rural attacks have destroyed farming communities, worsening food insecurity.
Rather than multiply administrative units, why not stabilize the existing ones?
Nigeria’s Pressing Needs
Nigeria is not short of urgent problems. These include:
Rising inflation and food prices, which, despite recent moderation, continue to push more people into poverty (WSTC Financial Services).
Poor electricity supply, which, despite a slight increase in generation in early 2025, continues to stifle economic growth (BusinessDay Nigeria).
The mass exodus of skilled workers and medical personnel (known as “japa”), which is weakening critical sectors like healthcare, as evidenced by recent strikes and mass resignations in Jigawa (Nigerian Observer).
Underfunded universities and collapsing infrastructure.
High maternal and child mortality.
These are the priorities a serious government should face head-on.
A Better Alternative: Restructure the Current System
Instead of carving out more states, why not:
Restructure fiscal federalism to allow current states more control over their resources?
Reduce the number of government offices and merge redundant agencies?
Strengthen local governments and hold them accountable?
Create zonal development commissions, like the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), that target underdeveloped areas without creating new states?
This would achieve the same “inclusive development” goal without sinking the nation deeper into administrative debt.
Nigerians are not asking for more governors and lawmakers. They are asking for jobs, stable electricity, quality schools, and affordable healthcare. Creating more states right now is not development, it’s distraction. And unless citizens speak up, political elites will keep playing with national resources like it’s Monopoly.
Practical Solutions
Instead of the current proposals, the focus should be on more practical solutions. For instance, consider creating a more manageable number of states, like the 12 that have been previously discussed.
While this might not completely solve the arguments about marginalisation, it would, to some extent, bring government nearer to the grassroots, as proponents have argued.
Furthermore, to increase female representation, the constitution should mandate that political parties, during their primary elections, reserve a certain percentage of legislative seats for women. This would help increase the number of women in the National and State Assemblies without drastically increasing the cost of governance.
